I soon realised my English was not as good as I´d thought ...
domingo, 1 de noviembre de 2009
PROFILES
Profile: The Dalai Lama
In March 1959, as Chinese troops crushed an attempted uprising in Tibet, Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama, fled into India. Then a young man in his mid-20s, the future must have seemed bleak. With few countries prepared to respond to China's actions, he faced a difficult task to protect Tibetans and their traditions.
Yet despite 50 years in exile, the reach of Tibet's spiritual leader has extended far beyond his community and he is now recognised as one of the world's leading religious figures.
He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1989 for his consistent opposition to the use of violence in his quest for Tibetan self-rule. But Beijing continues to view him as a "splittist", although he has repeatedly stated that his goal is for Tibetan autonomy rather than independence.
Child leader
The 14th Dalai Lama was born on 6 July 1935, in a small village just outside the current boundaries of Tibet. His parents, who named him Lhamo Dhondub, were farmers with several other children. When he was two years old, a search party of Buddhist officials recognised him as the reincarnation of the 13 previous Dalai Lamas and he was enthroned before he turned four.He was educated at a monastery and went on to achieve the Geshe Lharampa Degree, a doctorate of Buddhist philosophy.
But in 1950, when he was 15, the troops of Mao Tse-tung's newly-installed Communist government marched into Tibet. As soldiers poured into the country, the Dalai Lama - his title means Ocean of Wisdom - assumed full power as head of state.
In May 1951, China drew up a 17-point agreement legitimising Tibet's incorporation into China. When Tibetans took to the streets in 1959 demanding an end to Chinese rule, troops crushed the revolt and thousands of protesters were killed.
The Dalai Lama fled to India on foot and settled in Dharamsala, in the north of the country, which is now home to the Tibetan government-in-exile.
He was followed into exile by about 80,000 Tibetans, most of whom settled in the same area.
'Middle way'
In exile, the Dalai Lama began the task of trying to preserve the culture of the Tibetan people and publicise their plight on the world stage.
He appealed to the United Nations and persuaded the General Assembly to adopt resolutions in 1959, 1961 and 1965 calling for the protection of the Tibetan people.
He has met political and religious leaders throughout the world and visited the late Pope John Paul II on several occasions.
The Dalai Lama has advocated a "middle way" to resolve the status of Tibet - genuine self-rule for Tibet within China.
In 1987, amid protests in Lhasa against the large-scale relocation of Han Chinese into Tibet, the Dalai Lama proposed a five-point plan, in which he called for the establishment of Tibet as a zone of peace.But he did not move from his stance of peaceful resistance and in 1989 was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.
The committee praised his policy of non-violence, which it called "all the more remarkable when it is considered in relation to the sufferings inflicted on the Tibetan people".
New challenges
Despite their disagreements, the Dalai Lama has continued to seek dialogue with Beijing. Talks between the two sides broke down in 1993 and there were no more for nearly a decade. Discussions resumed in 2002 and have continued intermittently but with no apparent progress.
Tensions between China and the Tibetan government-in-exile worsened in the wake of unrest in Tibet in March 2008 - the worst for 20 years. Protests sparked by the anniversary of the 1959 uprising turned into riots on the streets of Lhasa. Violent protests were also reported among Tibetan communities in neighbouring regions.
China says at least 18 people were killed by rioters. Tibetan groups say as many as 200 people died in a crackdown by Chinese security forces.
Subsequent talks in November 2008 ended with China apparently hardening its position and denouncing the Tibetan proposal for autonomy as a bid for "disguised independence".
The Dalai Lama is also facing challenges from within the exile community.
Some young Tibetan activists believe pacificism does not work and, although most approve of the Dalai Lama's leadership, a growing number are calling for a tougher line.
Just weeks before the 50th anniversary of his flight from Lhasa, the Dalai Lama appealed to people in Tibet not to respond to the "provocations of the Chinese authorities", referring to a heavy Chinese military presence across Tibet.
And he restated his life-long commitment to a peaceful resolution to the Tibetan issue.
"It goes without saying how much admiration I have for the enthusiasm, determination, and sacrifice of the Tibetans in Tibet. However, it is difficult to achieve a meaningful outcome by sacrificing lives.
"The path of non-violence is our irrevocable commitment and it is important that there be no departure at all from this path."
GRAMMAR POINT
EVEN MORE FALSE FRIENDS …
English- Spanish
PARTICULAR- ESPECIAL
PRESERVATIVE- CONSERVANTE
PRESUME- ASUMIR, PRETENDER
PRETEND- FINGIR
PROVE- DEMOSTRAR
QUIET- CALLADO
REALIZE- DARSE CUENTA
REMOVE- QUITAR
RESUME- CONTINUAR, REANUDAR
SENSIBLE- SENSATO
SIGNATURE- FIRMA
SPECTACLES- GAFAS
SUBURB- BARRIO RESIDENCIAL
SUCCESS- ÉXITO
SYMPATHETIC- COMPRENSIVO
SYMPATHY- COMPASIÓN, PÉSAME
Spanish- English
PARTICULAR- PRIVATE
PRESERVATIVO- CONDOM
PRESUMIR- SHOW OFF
PRETENDER- INTEND, TRY, SEEK
PROBAR- TRY, TRY ON
QUIETO- STILL, MOTIONLESS
REALIZAR- CARRY OUT, IMPLEMENT
REMOVER- STIR
RESUMIR- SUMMARIZE
SENSIBLE- SENSITIVE
ASIGNATURA- SUBJECT
ESPECTÁCULOS- SHOWS
SUBURBIO- SLUM
SUCESO- EVENT
SIMPÁTICO- NICE, FRIENDLY
SIMPATÍA- AFFECTION, KINDNESS
English- Spanish
PARTICULAR- ESPECIAL
PRESERVATIVE- CONSERVANTE
PRESUME- ASUMIR, PRETENDER
PRETEND- FINGIR
PROVE- DEMOSTRAR
QUIET- CALLADO
REALIZE- DARSE CUENTA
REMOVE- QUITAR
RESUME- CONTINUAR, REANUDAR
SENSIBLE- SENSATO
SIGNATURE- FIRMA
SPECTACLES- GAFAS
SUBURB- BARRIO RESIDENCIAL
SUCCESS- ÉXITO
SYMPATHETIC- COMPRENSIVO
SYMPATHY- COMPASIÓN, PÉSAME
Spanish- English
PARTICULAR- PRIVATE
PRESERVATIVO- CONDOM
PRESUMIR- SHOW OFF
PRETENDER- INTEND, TRY, SEEK
PROBAR- TRY, TRY ON
QUIETO- STILL, MOTIONLESS
REALIZAR- CARRY OUT, IMPLEMENT
REMOVER- STIR
RESUMIR- SUMMARIZE
SENSIBLE- SENSITIVE
ASIGNATURA- SUBJECT
ESPECTÁCULOS- SHOWS
SUBURBIO- SLUM
SUCESO- EVENT
SIMPÁTICO- NICE, FRIENDLY
SIMPATÍA- AFFECTION, KINDNESS
CURRENT AFFAIRS-2
Trains in Spain signal the future
BBC News
The 0830 service from Madrid to Barcelona departs promptly and without fuss.
With no lengthy check-in queues, and a slick security control, many passengers had turned up at the Spanish capital's Atocha rail terminal at the last minute, safe in the knowledge that they would still catch their train.
On board, breakfast and the morning newspapers are digested, as the city suburbs whizz by. At this hour, the clientele is mostly business types - people who would previously have made the trip by air, but now prefer the train.
"Door-to-door, I find the train is faster," explains Francisco Lopez, travelling to meet new work colleagues in the Catalan capital.
"With the plane you have to take taxis to and from airports outside the city, whereas the train stations are right in the centre."
The trip, of 600km (385 miles) used to take as long as seven hours before any part of the line was high-speed. But after intermediate improvement work initially cut that to four-and-a-half hours, the journey time was slashed further to a little over two-and-a-half hours in February 2008 with the opening of the Alta Velocidad Espanola (AVE) high-speed service.
Since then, custom has shifted at breakneck speed from air to rail, to the point where, in July 2009, more people made the journey between Madrid and Barcelona by AVE than by plane. This is on a route which had been one of the most lucrative air corridors in the world.
Business confidence
Spain was a relative latecomer to high-speed rail, inaugurating its first line - between Madrid and Seville - in 1992. But it has caught up fast, and now has 1,835km of track in service. Next year, the government boasts, Spain will overtake Japan and France to become the world leader, measured in kilometres of high-speed line.
From Madrid's central location, routes extend like spokes on a cycle wheel: to Malaga and Seville in the south, Barcelona in the north-east, and Valladolid to the north. New lines, east to Valencia and north-west to Galicia, are under construction.
"We are currently transporting 40,000 passengers a day," beams Abelardo Carrillo, director of AVE Services for Spain's state railway company, Renfe.
"It's been a huge success, both commercially and in terms of public opinion. And there are two keys: competitive journey times, and a level of service at least as good as the airlines."
Tellingly, Renfe has not chosen to compete fiercely on price. Fares are broadly similar to the airlines, in the confident belief that business travellers will still opt for rail, on grounds of comfort and convenience.
"The Spanish model is very different from the populist approach of France - where passengers pay lower fares for a lower standard of service," explains Professor Josep Sayeras of the Esade Business School in Barcelona.
"Here, Renfe set higher fares, thinking business people will have to make the journey, come what may."
For now, that strategy appears to be paying off. Mr Carrillo explains that the AVE network is turning in an operating profit, although neither Renfe nor Spain's Transport Ministry will disclose how much. The project is attracting considerable attention from abroad. In proposing its own £34bn ($55bn: 37bn euros) high-speed line between London and Glasgow, Britain's Network Rail noted how the AVE service had enabled Spain's railways to take market share from airlines and to promote regional economic development.
In the US, the Obama administration has earmarked $8bn for investment in high-speed rail, prompting Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood to ride the AVE for himself during a fact finding mission in June.Judging by his subsequent blog entry, the American politician was impressed.
"Do you know that the Spanish have a goal of establishing high speed rail stations within 30 miles of 90% of all Spaniards by 2020?" Mr LaHood purred. "Now that's ambition."
Budget worries
In backing the bullet trains, politicians can claim they are choosing a mode of transport which is simultaneously traditional and cutting edge, and which reduces both traffic congestion and carbon emissions.
The International Union of Railways (UIC) estimates that the AVE produces one-sixth of the CO2 emissions per plane passenger.
In Spain, the AVE has also brought economic development to provincial towns and cities touched by the high-speed line. They include Zaragoza, the only station stop between Madrid and Barcelona.
"Zaragoza is the new business centre of Spain, because the people of Madrid and Barcelona now meet here in the middle," says a proud Manuel Teruel, the president of the local chamber of commerce.
Pointing out the hi-tech hotels which have sprung up around the AVE station, he explains that the number of trade fairs taking place in the city has tripled in the space of five years. Mr Teruel adds that high-speed rail has made local businesses more productive, by saving on travel time and hotel costs - because overnight stays on trips to Madrid are now rarely necessary.And citing a 28% increase in tourist numbers since 2005, he argues that the very association with modern transport has made the city more attractive.
"The AVE symbolises technology and the future," he says. "It's all about image."
Renfe is planning for further investment of up to 120bn euros in the coming decade, with around 80% of it from the Spanish state, and a sizeable chunk from EU funds.
But critics wonder whether the proposed five-fold increase in the reach of the network, to 10,000km by 2020, is realistic in the current climate.
"Right now, Spain is in an economic crisis and we have a huge public deficit," explains Mr Sayeras from Esade.
"The government must assign resources very carefully, and in my opinion, high speed rail should not be a priority. We should invest in local and regional trains."
Renfe's Mr Carrillo acknowledges that, in challenging times, the politicians require some nerve to stay on board.
"Given the budgets involved, these are political decisions which carry huge weight," he admits. "But our experience so far is that this investment is worth it."
Having approached speeds of 300 km/h, the 0830 from Madrid pulls into Barcelona at 1113 - on schedule, like 99% of AVE services.
Never have these two great cities felt so connected. And although questions linger about Spain's ability to remain the pacesetter, its achievements may point the way for others.
BBC News
The 0830 service from Madrid to Barcelona departs promptly and without fuss.
With no lengthy check-in queues, and a slick security control, many passengers had turned up at the Spanish capital's Atocha rail terminal at the last minute, safe in the knowledge that they would still catch their train.
On board, breakfast and the morning newspapers are digested, as the city suburbs whizz by. At this hour, the clientele is mostly business types - people who would previously have made the trip by air, but now prefer the train.
"Door-to-door, I find the train is faster," explains Francisco Lopez, travelling to meet new work colleagues in the Catalan capital.
"With the plane you have to take taxis to and from airports outside the city, whereas the train stations are right in the centre."
The trip, of 600km (385 miles) used to take as long as seven hours before any part of the line was high-speed. But after intermediate improvement work initially cut that to four-and-a-half hours, the journey time was slashed further to a little over two-and-a-half hours in February 2008 with the opening of the Alta Velocidad Espanola (AVE) high-speed service.
Since then, custom has shifted at breakneck speed from air to rail, to the point where, in July 2009, more people made the journey between Madrid and Barcelona by AVE than by plane. This is on a route which had been one of the most lucrative air corridors in the world.
Business confidence
Spain was a relative latecomer to high-speed rail, inaugurating its first line - between Madrid and Seville - in 1992. But it has caught up fast, and now has 1,835km of track in service. Next year, the government boasts, Spain will overtake Japan and France to become the world leader, measured in kilometres of high-speed line.
From Madrid's central location, routes extend like spokes on a cycle wheel: to Malaga and Seville in the south, Barcelona in the north-east, and Valladolid to the north. New lines, east to Valencia and north-west to Galicia, are under construction.
"We are currently transporting 40,000 passengers a day," beams Abelardo Carrillo, director of AVE Services for Spain's state railway company, Renfe.
"It's been a huge success, both commercially and in terms of public opinion. And there are two keys: competitive journey times, and a level of service at least as good as the airlines."
Tellingly, Renfe has not chosen to compete fiercely on price. Fares are broadly similar to the airlines, in the confident belief that business travellers will still opt for rail, on grounds of comfort and convenience.
"The Spanish model is very different from the populist approach of France - where passengers pay lower fares for a lower standard of service," explains Professor Josep Sayeras of the Esade Business School in Barcelona.
"Here, Renfe set higher fares, thinking business people will have to make the journey, come what may."
For now, that strategy appears to be paying off. Mr Carrillo explains that the AVE network is turning in an operating profit, although neither Renfe nor Spain's Transport Ministry will disclose how much. The project is attracting considerable attention from abroad. In proposing its own £34bn ($55bn: 37bn euros) high-speed line between London and Glasgow, Britain's Network Rail noted how the AVE service had enabled Spain's railways to take market share from airlines and to promote regional economic development.
In the US, the Obama administration has earmarked $8bn for investment in high-speed rail, prompting Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood to ride the AVE for himself during a fact finding mission in June.Judging by his subsequent blog entry, the American politician was impressed.
"Do you know that the Spanish have a goal of establishing high speed rail stations within 30 miles of 90% of all Spaniards by 2020?" Mr LaHood purred. "Now that's ambition."
Budget worries
In backing the bullet trains, politicians can claim they are choosing a mode of transport which is simultaneously traditional and cutting edge, and which reduces both traffic congestion and carbon emissions.
The International Union of Railways (UIC) estimates that the AVE produces one-sixth of the CO2 emissions per plane passenger.
In Spain, the AVE has also brought economic development to provincial towns and cities touched by the high-speed line. They include Zaragoza, the only station stop between Madrid and Barcelona.
"Zaragoza is the new business centre of Spain, because the people of Madrid and Barcelona now meet here in the middle," says a proud Manuel Teruel, the president of the local chamber of commerce.
Pointing out the hi-tech hotels which have sprung up around the AVE station, he explains that the number of trade fairs taking place in the city has tripled in the space of five years. Mr Teruel adds that high-speed rail has made local businesses more productive, by saving on travel time and hotel costs - because overnight stays on trips to Madrid are now rarely necessary.And citing a 28% increase in tourist numbers since 2005, he argues that the very association with modern transport has made the city more attractive.
"The AVE symbolises technology and the future," he says. "It's all about image."
Renfe is planning for further investment of up to 120bn euros in the coming decade, with around 80% of it from the Spanish state, and a sizeable chunk from EU funds.
But critics wonder whether the proposed five-fold increase in the reach of the network, to 10,000km by 2020, is realistic in the current climate.
"Right now, Spain is in an economic crisis and we have a huge public deficit," explains Mr Sayeras from Esade.
"The government must assign resources very carefully, and in my opinion, high speed rail should not be a priority. We should invest in local and regional trains."
Renfe's Mr Carrillo acknowledges that, in challenging times, the politicians require some nerve to stay on board.
"Given the budgets involved, these are political decisions which carry huge weight," he admits. "But our experience so far is that this investment is worth it."
Having approached speeds of 300 km/h, the 0830 from Madrid pulls into Barcelona at 1113 - on schedule, like 99% of AVE services.
Never have these two great cities felt so connected. And although questions linger about Spain's ability to remain the pacesetter, its achievements may point the way for others.
FINANCE & ECONOMICS
Spain to end takeover tax breaks
BBC
The Spanish government has been told to end a tax break that gives its companies an advantage in buying companies in other European countries.
The taxation law change was seen as vital to the 2006 takeover of 02 by Telefonica, making it one of the biggest players in UK telecoms.
It also aided the purchase of Scottish Power by Iberdrola in 2007.
The European Commission has said it will require the Spanish government to remove the tax break. Indications from Madrid are that it is willing to make those changes.
The list of Spanish companies buying British companies also includes Ferrovial which bought BAA, which owns most of Britain's large airports. And Santander has been buying assets from British banks, including parts of Bradford and Bingley.
In 2007 and under political pressure, the European Commission opened an investigation into allegations that the Madrid government was putting its companies at an advantage that distorted the open market.
Nearly two years on, the EC has decided to end the measures. The tax regime allowed Spanish companies to write off the goodwill element of a deal - that is, the excess valuation over the value of the actual assets being bought.
This was allowed for 20 years after the acquisition, and could apply even where there was not a full merger. But it does not apply to Spanish companies buying other Spanish companies.
The European Commission is able to require repayment of those tax subsidies, but has chosen not to do so in the case of sales that preceded the start of its inquiry.
That leaves uncertainty over possible repayments of tax for more recent deals, such as the purchase of part of Bradford and Bingley by Santander.
Competition commissioner Neelie Kroes said: "This tax provision gives a discriminatory advantage to Spanish companies when acquiring shares in other European companies.
"To preserve a level playing field in the single market, Spain must put an end to this measure and recover unlawful aid given since December 2007".
BBC
The Spanish government has been told to end a tax break that gives its companies an advantage in buying companies in other European countries.
The taxation law change was seen as vital to the 2006 takeover of 02 by Telefonica, making it one of the biggest players in UK telecoms.
It also aided the purchase of Scottish Power by Iberdrola in 2007.
The European Commission has said it will require the Spanish government to remove the tax break. Indications from Madrid are that it is willing to make those changes.
The list of Spanish companies buying British companies also includes Ferrovial which bought BAA, which owns most of Britain's large airports. And Santander has been buying assets from British banks, including parts of Bradford and Bingley.
In 2007 and under political pressure, the European Commission opened an investigation into allegations that the Madrid government was putting its companies at an advantage that distorted the open market.
Nearly two years on, the EC has decided to end the measures. The tax regime allowed Spanish companies to write off the goodwill element of a deal - that is, the excess valuation over the value of the actual assets being bought.
This was allowed for 20 years after the acquisition, and could apply even where there was not a full merger. But it does not apply to Spanish companies buying other Spanish companies.
The European Commission is able to require repayment of those tax subsidies, but has chosen not to do so in the case of sales that preceded the start of its inquiry.
That leaves uncertainty over possible repayments of tax for more recent deals, such as the purchase of part of Bradford and Bingley by Santander.
Competition commissioner Neelie Kroes said: "This tax provision gives a discriminatory advantage to Spanish companies when acquiring shares in other European companies.
"To preserve a level playing field in the single market, Spain must put an end to this measure and recover unlawful aid given since December 2007".
CURRENT AFFAIRS-1
The media and Spain's government
Prisa zapped
Oct 1st 2009
From The Economist
Spain’s prime minister falls out with its biggest media group
FEW tiffs are as nasty as those between old friends. A bitter bust-up between Spain’s prime minister, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, and the media giant Prisa, publisher of the newspaper El País, mirrors the intimacy that once reigned. It also highlights problems on both sides.
Mr Zapatero’s difficulties centre on the economy. Spain’s unemployment rate is now 18% and rising. It may be the last big European economy to pull out of recession. A decision to raise taxes has roused few cheers. Critics accuse Mr Zapatero of dictating short-term solutions on the hoof, rather than tackling deeper ills.
Among the critics is now El País, Spain’s biggest-selling daily, usually a Socialist ally. In recent editorials it has slammed Mr Zapatero’s economic measures as “incoherent” and suggested that next year’s budget is “a backward step”. After the government revealed plans to raise an extra €12 billion ($17 billion), including a hike in sales tax, it commented that “this does not seem the best way to stimulate the economy” and demanded an explanation of how it might help.
But the newspaper’s greatest ire has been reserved for a law rushed out to regulate terrestrial digital pay-television (TDT). The “scandalous and abusive” TDT law was, it thundered, aimed at “satisfying the interests of a group of friends”. Those friends are Prisa’s foes at Mediapro, a fast-expanding media group that launched a pro-Zapatero newspaper, Público, two years ago. The two groups are battling not just for left-leaning newspaper readers but also for valuable TV football rights. The new law allowed Mediapro to promote its pay soccer channel to TDT viewers just as the league season started, hurting Prisa’s own satellite-TV channel, Digital+.
It also came as the family-controlled Prisa group struggles with a €5 billion debt caused by a badly timed partial buy-out of its Sogecable TV unit. Prisa has just sold stakes in two smaller businesses. It may also sell Digital+. Among those said to be interested is Mediaset, the media group of Italy’s prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi. In a twist, he is in a row with El País over photographs it published of his parties in Sardinia.
Is there cause and effect in all this? The editor of El País, Javier Moreno, says not, pointing to critical editorials before the TDT row. Some readers do not believe him. Mr Zapatero accuses Prisa’s media outlets of sharpening their knives. He also denies favouring Mediapro. Yet few doubt that the row will damage the Socialists. El País is the intellectual meeting-place of Spain’s centre-left. And Prisa’s media outlets, including the popular Cadena SER radio network, can do much to bring out the Socialist vote.
It is hard to separate chicken from egg. Relations have been edgy for a while. Any attack on government favouritism coming from Prisa, which did handsomely under Felipe González, a former Socialist prime minister, sounds rich. Yet there should be few complaints if Spain’s biggest newspaper now feels free to criticise its prime minister.
Prisa zapped
Oct 1st 2009
From The Economist
Spain’s prime minister falls out with its biggest media group
FEW tiffs are as nasty as those between old friends. A bitter bust-up between Spain’s prime minister, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, and the media giant Prisa, publisher of the newspaper El País, mirrors the intimacy that once reigned. It also highlights problems on both sides.
Mr Zapatero’s difficulties centre on the economy. Spain’s unemployment rate is now 18% and rising. It may be the last big European economy to pull out of recession. A decision to raise taxes has roused few cheers. Critics accuse Mr Zapatero of dictating short-term solutions on the hoof, rather than tackling deeper ills.
Among the critics is now El País, Spain’s biggest-selling daily, usually a Socialist ally. In recent editorials it has slammed Mr Zapatero’s economic measures as “incoherent” and suggested that next year’s budget is “a backward step”. After the government revealed plans to raise an extra €12 billion ($17 billion), including a hike in sales tax, it commented that “this does not seem the best way to stimulate the economy” and demanded an explanation of how it might help.
But the newspaper’s greatest ire has been reserved for a law rushed out to regulate terrestrial digital pay-television (TDT). The “scandalous and abusive” TDT law was, it thundered, aimed at “satisfying the interests of a group of friends”. Those friends are Prisa’s foes at Mediapro, a fast-expanding media group that launched a pro-Zapatero newspaper, Público, two years ago. The two groups are battling not just for left-leaning newspaper readers but also for valuable TV football rights. The new law allowed Mediapro to promote its pay soccer channel to TDT viewers just as the league season started, hurting Prisa’s own satellite-TV channel, Digital+.
It also came as the family-controlled Prisa group struggles with a €5 billion debt caused by a badly timed partial buy-out of its Sogecable TV unit. Prisa has just sold stakes in two smaller businesses. It may also sell Digital+. Among those said to be interested is Mediaset, the media group of Italy’s prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi. In a twist, he is in a row with El País over photographs it published of his parties in Sardinia.
Is there cause and effect in all this? The editor of El País, Javier Moreno, says not, pointing to critical editorials before the TDT row. Some readers do not believe him. Mr Zapatero accuses Prisa’s media outlets of sharpening their knives. He also denies favouring Mediapro. Yet few doubt that the row will damage the Socialists. El País is the intellectual meeting-place of Spain’s centre-left. And Prisa’s media outlets, including the popular Cadena SER radio network, can do much to bring out the Socialist vote.
It is hard to separate chicken from egg. Relations have been edgy for a while. Any attack on government favouritism coming from Prisa, which did handsomely under Felipe González, a former Socialist prime minister, sounds rich. Yet there should be few complaints if Spain’s biggest newspaper now feels free to criticise its prime minister.